During week of budget brinkmanship, the President who signed the most important program of stimulus spending in American history largely left his allies in the Senate to respond to the strong message clarity Republican of austerity rather than expose a clear vision of what the role of Government should be in the era of Tea Party and arrow national debt.
His reserved approach comes at a time where he has been pressed as never before set American liberalism mean for the 21st century. In the same week, he launched his re-election campaign, he suggested that the holder of 2012 will not be the same as the candidate of 2008, as it pivoted on the policy of fight against terrorism, adopted an another Pact free trade and managed its own military intervention in the Middle East. And yet, he seemed reluctant to draw too as much as he faces challenges that have never were its original program.
"How he sets himself against this wave of ideology and conservative rhetoric?" asked Robert Dallek, presidential historian. "It is difficult for him to say that I am a former New Deal, great liberal society." It cannot be said that and expect to win re-election. If you steal. It is like what they said about Roosevelt being a chameleon on plaid, changing colour and movement forms. "But it is now much more difficult because the cycle news 24/7".
In the days preceding Agreement of last minute, Friday evening, thus avoiding a Government decision, immediate tactical objective of President seems to be holding himself out as a reasonable man in an unreasonable town. While the rest of the avants Washington, he presented himself as adult above a messy melee which would alienate voters scratching their heads on the way the Government almost could not get its act to pay the Bills and keep the lights on.
The effect was to hide his own philosophy and raise the question of what it wants a second term for. "It must be very careful to avoid letting voters with the impression that his sphinx-like reserve is all that liberalism has to offer," said Yuval Levin, researcher at the ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington and an aide to former domestic policy President George w. Bush.
The challenge is to some extent resemble that President Bill Clinton in the course of the last Government shutdown in 1995-96, but an important difference is that Mr. Clinton had long since identified himself as a centrist while there is less consensus by pinning down Mr. Obama ideologically. He adopted some of social programmes and expenditures wider of any President since Lyndon b. Johnson, affecting offshore of the rebellion against the big government tea, even though its base on the left complained of its accumulation in Afghanistan and its contract with the Republicans to extend tax cuts for the rich.
Mr. Obama has always cast himself as a pragmatist and seems to feel his way in the post-midterm election environment. In some areas, it fell. The decision announced last week to try the conspirators accused September 11 in a military commission at Guantanamo Bay prison in Cuba represented a reversal of 180 degrees under the pressure of some Democrats and Republicans in Congress. His embrace of free trade with the Colombia Pact continued emphasis on trade for a Democrat who once promised to renegotiate the North American free trade, or of the NAFTA agreement.
The war in Libya represents one of the issues more complicated for Mr. Obama establishes its own form of modern liberalism. The hero of the anti-war in 2008 movement effectively adopts humanitarian interventions by Mr Clinton in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s as a model, while trying to distinguish its actions of war Mr Bush and his Afghanistan and Iraq.
"It is frustrating, said Tim Carpenter, national Director of the progressive Democrats of America." He is someone that comes out of our movement. It is certainly well read on progressive ideas. But he talks a good game. It compromises much too early. He abandons in the third quarter of many of these battles. ?
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